Joint Declaration against the Imperialist aggression in Venezuela by Maoist organizations and parties

‘The Next Front’ offers Red Salute to Maoist Comrades and Revolutionary forces who defend Venezuela against United States attack and here we express our strong support and solidarity to this Statement of Maoist Comrades.

“Proletarians of all countries, unite!


We turn to our class, the international proletariat, and the peoples of the world to condemn, crush, mark with fire and reject with deep class hatred the direct and shameless intervention of Yankee imperialism, single hegemonic superpower, great world counterrevolutionary gendarme and main enemy of the peoples of the world, against the nation, against the people of Venezuela.

In this new direct aggression, Yankee imperialism applies a coup to impose a puppet government in Venezuela. It is a plan of Yankee imperialism, which is staged with the self-proclamation as interim president of his puppet, the president of the suspended Legislative Assembly, Juan Guaidó, who was immediately recognized by the arch-reactionary and genocidal government of Trump-Pence as the ” legitimate “president of the country, and giving an ultimatum to the acting government of Nicolás Maduro, so that he hands over the command to the puppet government; intimidating him, that in case of not following the imperialist dictates, he will use all the power and violence of the superpower, establishing as “causes belium” the capitulation of the current government of Maduro in favor of his puppet.

That is, either the capitulation of the oppressed nation or the imperialist war of aggression, whatever form the military intervention may take.

This direct aggression of Yankee imperialism, led by Trump-Pence, to change the government of Venezuela by one of the Yankee puppets, would imply the change of the semi-colonial situation of Venezuela for the colonial one.

These imperialists, in the name of the struggle against “dictatorship” and “democracy and freedom”, try to subject the Venezuelan people to colonial slavery.

It constitutes the most blatant intimidation, interference, control and aggression by the United States against an oppressed Third World nation, violating the national independence, sovereignty and national dignity of the country and the international legal order itself that is an expression of its global hegemony, its Charter of the UN, of the OAS, etc.

Imperialism allows itself to act in such a arrogant and brazen manner against a formally independent country, in its capacity as the sole hegemonic superpower and self-appointed world gendarme; because it is the principal imperialism that exercises its semi-colonial dominion over Venezuela as it does over the other countries of Latin America, the main base of its world dominion (backyard), a situation that has deepened during all the years of the current Chávez-Maduro regime; that as representatives of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie of their country, despite their discourse and secondary contradictions with successive US governments, they have increasingly subjected the country to the economic dominance of Yankee imperialism: through its main and almost the only export product, oil, associating with its foreign direct investment and increasing its financial dependence on Wall Street.

However, they have opened the country more to the penetration of other imperialist powers, it did not break with Yankee imperialism, thus seeking to ride on two horses. Increasing the imperialist struggle for the exploitation of the country and becoming Venezuela more and more accentuated in arena of inter-imperialist strife.

The revolution of a new democracy that puts an end to the domination of imperialism, semi-feudality and bureaucratic capitalism, that is, to the three mountains that oppress the people, now more than ever calls for its concretion through the people’s war led by the proletariat through its Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, militarized.

The current regime in Venezuela was established on February 2, 1999, riding the struggle of the masses against the so-called privatization and the “paquetazos”, which the previous governments of the comprador faction tried to impose.

The fury of the masses expressed in the “Caracazo” (1989) swept for the moment the wishes of the buyer, mainly linked to the US, to take out everything that the landowner-bureaucratic state had accumulated for decades.

Now, with the deepening of the country’s crisis, the Yankee imperialists and lackeys at their service come the moment, through the imposition of a puppet government, to appropriate more fully the great riches of the country: targeting oil in the first place of Venezuela, the largest reserve in the world, and to take advantage of the unbeatable conditions offered by this country for exploitation by the imperialist financial capital; all for the benefit of the Yankee financial oligarchy over its imperialist competitors.

By establishing their colonial slavery through a puppet government, the Yankee imperialists would no longer share the economic monopoly with several other imperialist countries over Venezuela (semi-colonial character), but would establish their exclusive imperialist economic monopoly over the country (colonial character).

As it has always been, it is the people who have to defend the country. The Venezuelan people have to mobilize widely to ward off the danger of capitulation, expressed by the representatives of the Maduro government as the tendency to compromise, which has been openly or covertly expressed by those who fear the power of imperialism and propose as consequence the inevitable subjugation of the nation, because it does not trust in the power of the people and in the solidarity of the peoples of the world.

For revolutionaries, imperialism is a colossus with feet of clay, paper tiger and weapons are not decisive but man, the mass.

Others place their hopes to overcome the threat of colonial subjugation of the country mainly in the foreign aid of the other superpower, Russia (the skinny dog), or Chinese social-imperialists, through economic aid, weapons, etc. or of his diplomatic mediation.

The latter is related to the doubt that these people have about whether the enemy will attack: some consider it a probability, others say that in no way.

For their part, the Yankee imperialists, through their representatives, have declared that the US policy with respect to Venezuela it is established.

Those who imagine that a commitment to the US is possible that does not imply the capitulation of the government of the country and the surrender of the independence and sovereignty of Venezuela, only live of illusions.

Trump’s national security adviser, Bolton, has shown an act where he shows that they are mobilizing for direct military aggression: “to move 5,000 troops to Colombia.” In addition, as in the Middle East wars, the imperialist powers act in collusion and struggle with the Yankees to push Maduro to capitulation.

The German government demanded the immediate holding of “free and fair” elections and indicated that it is willing to provisionally recognize Guaidó as head of the interim state while those elections are being held. In the same way England, France, Spain, etc.

The Venezuelan government has to reject the capitulation and put aside any compromise policy, the political situation has entered the stage of preparation for national resistance against imperialist aggression, has to take on the challenge and mobilize and arm the people, as well as to the armed forces in order to safeguard national independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity to enforce them in a harsh war of national resistance against foreign aggression.

The government of Maduro, showing political shortsightedness, has delayed in recognizing that he was facing a coup d’état applied by imperialism through his lackeys, trying to centralize the main responsibility in the “opposition” as if it were an internal matter, that is, in the officials and not in the emperor; before the action of the Trump government to impose the puppet government via recognition of Guairó as “interim president” announced the breakdown of diplomatic relations with the US. etc., which he said did not mean a break with the US but only with his government; it has not arranged the mobilization of all the forces of the nation to face the aggression of imperialism as it had to be the military mobilization of its forces and of the masses; nor has he applied the punitive measures immediately against the lackeys who have committed all kinds of crimes against the Venezuelan people in the service of Yankee imperialism.

Despite the change in the internal and external situation determined by the direct imperialist aggression, it intends to continue maneuvering without the energy, decision and integrity, speaking of “dialogue”, of “peace”.

In similar situations, despite having the same class limitations as Maduro, others dared and chose the path of resistance.

It is up to the proletariat and the people to put an end to all the verbiage that prevents a more forceful rejection of the imperialist ultimatum and the adequate preparation for resistance, to oppose to military aggression the invincible War of Resistance against Yankee Imperialism.

The proletariat and the people of Venezuela, combative as always, is rising with great patriotic sentiment and deep hatred of imperialism and all its lackeys of the country and abroad with what is demanding the government of Nicolás Maduro reject the capitulation, which meets its obligations and abandon any hope that by focusing on dialogue with the lackeys or diplomatic deals with the imperialists they will abandon their plan in motion.

To the proletariat of Venezuela, to the most advanced within it, to the Maoists, it is up to them to raise the slogan of forging a broad national anti-imperialist united front; merge with the workers, peasants, petty-bourgeois, national bourgeoisie and members of all other classes who are willing to confront the imperialist aggressor and its lackeys with the exception of a handful of traitors, it is necessary to actively promote the general armament of the people in the field and the city to prepare for a broad war of resistance, as an armed struggle, struggling to lead it and in the course of the mass struggle to reconstitute its Communist Party, as a militarized Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party, to transform the armed struggle of resistance in popular war of national liberation.

It is up to the Maoists to prepare the application of a broad guerrilla war that takes the countryside as the main one and the cities as a necessary complement.

It is up to all those who do not want to be the slaves of the United States, all those who are to conquer the true independence, sovereignty and national dignity of the country, all those who refuse to submit themselves to intimidation, interference, control and aggression of the Yankee imperialists.

With all of them, it is necessary to unite and mobilize against the calls for conciliation, for peace or to privilege the negotiations before acting resolutely to crush the Yankee imperialist aggression that has come to be developed for the moment in the form of a coup d’état.

The Maoists, as representatives of the proletariat and its emerging vanguard, are responsible, starting from the principle of independence and self-determination, to apply unity and struggle with the other forces that come to shape the people in the current political situation, where the contradiction between nation-imperialism is becoming main.

It is necessary to demand to proceed conscientiously to reform the system that governs the army and the political system by expanding democracy, develop the independent mass movement, enforce education for national defense, repress the lackeys and other collaborators, develop the industry of war and improve the living conditions of the people.

Present as of utmost importance the lifting of the program of resistance, which in the present conditions is of a prolonged nature. The war of resistance of the people must aim to build a true Revolutionary Power (the New Power) and not the simulations of socialism of the 21st century that has frustrated the people so much, more if the Power of New Democracy in every corner of the resistance, expel the invading enemy and crush all its worms and lackeys, for its establishment throughout the country.

The peoples of Latin America, in order to safeguard national independence and national sovereignty, have the imperative to carry out a “coup for a coup” struggle against the aggressive and genocidal Yankee imperialism, the principal enemy of the peoples of the world.

The direct intervention of Yankee imperialism that has begun as a coup d’etat accompanied by a whole deployment and siege of forces to lead to capitulate the government of Maduro and subjugate the nation, will not stop there if it does not achieve its objectives, it will go away climbing in all areas to try to achieve its objectives and that is why it awakens and awakens a new wave against Yankee imperialism among the peoples of Latin America and the world.

It is up to the signatory parties and organizations to assume the role of giving an organizational expression to this new anti-imperialist wave, fighting against imperialism and its servants and lackeys in each country. We have to develop a broad and vigorous global campaign in support of the Venezuelan people against Yankee imperialist aggression.

You, heroic Venezuelan people, without a doubt you are not alone in your struggle. The proletariat and oppressed peoples of the world are united to the people of Venezuela.

You enjoy the support of the proletariat of the United States and Canada, of the proletariat of the imperialist countries of Europe and Asia, and of all the peoples of Latin America, Asia, Africa, of the support of the peoples of the whole world.

Before the direct aggression of Yankee imperialism to Venezuela and the peoples of Latin America, it is up to our peoples to rise up in revolution and face the war of imperialist aggression with more People’s War.

Venezuela and all of Latin America will be the tomb of the Yankee imperialist hordes!

Venezuelan people reject illusions and prepare for resistance!

Imperialism and all the reactionaries are paper tigers!

The struggle of the peoples of the world against Yankee imperialism will win


Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun

Movimiento Popular Peru (Reorganization Committee)

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction)

Red Fraction of the Communist Party of Chile

Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Colombia

Building Committee of the Maoist Communist Party of Galiza

Press Release by Communist Party Of India (MAOIST) Central Committee

Press Statement by CPI (Maoist)

Observe Protest Week between 25 and 31 January 2019 against the ‘Samadhan’ counter-revolutionary offensive!

Make successful the daylong Bharat Bandh on 31 January 2019!

Unite to fight and defeat the Brahmanical Hindu-fascist forces by using all means and forms of struggle 

Modi government had announced the launching of ‘Samadhan’ counter-revolutionary plan in a meeting chaired by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh on 8 May last year in the presence of Chief Ministers, top bureaucrats, police, paramilitary and intelligence officers of the ‘Maoist-affected’ states of the country. This plan was launched in the wake of a number of counter-offensive actions carried out by the PLGA with the participation of the masses, particularly after the Burkapal attack of 24 April in Sukma district of Chhattisgarh that year against Operation Green Hunt (OGH).

August 2009 by the Congress-led UPA government and the beginning of a new and more aggressive counterrevolutionary campaign under the present dispensation of BJP-led NDA government. Be it the failed OGH or the ongoing ‘Samadhan’ plan, both are conducted by India’s feudal-comprador ruling classes under the guidance of the imperialists – particularly US imperialism – with the aim of completely wiping out the revolutionary movement in the country. OGH, which was conducted in three phases, failed due to the united resistance of the guerrilla army, revolutionary people’s committees, revolutionary mass organisations and the revolutionary masses led by CPI(Maoist) with the support of the country’s democratic forces and the solidarity of the international proletarian, democratic and people’s forces. The failure of OGH is a great victory for the united people’s resistance against the reactionary ruling classes.

Failing to uproot the Maoist movement through OGH even after more than eight years of cruel war on people, the Brahmanical Hindu-fascist forces led by Modi-Shah-Bhagwat ruling clique has been running ‘Samadhan’ campaign for the last one and a half years in a fascist manner. It is being conducted not only in the rural areas under our Guerrilla Zones and Red Resistance Areas but also in the urban areas under the garb of crushing ‘urban Naxals’. While OGH was an undeclared war on people, ‘Samadhan’ is a declared war not only against the Maoist revolutionary movement but also against all the democratic, progressive and patriotic movements, organisations and individuals representing the exploited and oppressed people of the country.

‘Samadhan’ offensive is in continuation of the campaigns and operations that have been launched by the Indian ruling classes on the country’s revolutionary movement, be it Operation Manthan in the 1980, Jan Jagran Abhiyan 1 (1991-92) and 2 (1997-98), Salwa Judum (2005-2009), Sendra, etc. The revolutionary camp also had to confront and defeat state-sponsored terrorist gangs like Ranveer Sena, Shanti Committee, Harmad Bahini, Bhairab Bahini, TPC, JPC, PLFI, etc. in the course of sustaining and advancing the revolutionary movement. Among the past counter-revolutionary operations, OGH and ‘Samadhan’ have been long-term campaigns with the direct participation of the state, while others were short-term state-sponsored operations in which ruling-class elements such as feudal forces, reactionaries, bad gentry, etc. were kept at the forefront. If we look at the history of these counter-revolutionary campaigns, it becomes apparent that their duration is becoming more prolonged and the method of their execution more aggressive, cruel and fascist.

The last one and a half year of ‘Samadhan’ offensive has shown that it is the most far-reaching, cruellest and most aggressive of all campaigns which aims at eliminating the Maoist and all militant people’s movements by the year 2022. Within the overall rubric of ‘Samadhan’, the central and state governments are conducting fascist counter-guerrilla operations like ‘Prahar’-1, 2, 3 and 4, ‘Operation Monsoon’, etc. targeting the revolutionary forces. As a part of ‘Samadhan’, the mercenary government forces are carrying out genocide through massacres like Kalleda, Pujari Kanker, Aipeta, Kasanur-Tumirgunda, Timmem, Nulkatong up to the recent Sakiler killings. All kinds of fascist attacks including fake encounters, large-scale arrests, forcible detention, razing down of houses, mass rape, destruction and loot of people’s property are being carried out in an aggressive manner. With this, they are spreading a reign of white terror in large swathes of the country where the Maoist and other militant people’s movements are active To aid this campaign, the government is increasing the deployment of its armed forces including the air force for anti-Maoist operations, upgrading weapons and other war material for its forces, using latest techniques of communication, surveillance, intelligence gathering, counter-revolutionary propaganda, etc. in order to accomplish the objectives of ‘Samadhan’ in the next four-five years. Along with armed repression in the rural areas, it is launching an offensive targeting the revolutionary and democratic forces in urban areas in the name of curbing ‘urban Naxals’, and have already arrested or sentenced several well-known social activists, public intellectuals, academics, lawyers, journalists, students and others criticising the government’s war on people. Even unarmed, peaceful and legal struggles of the masses like peasants’ struggles, Patthalgadi, anti-displacement struggles, anti-mining movements, struggles for the implementation of the Fifth Schedule, etc. are not being tolerated and persecuted with armed might of the state. We must locate the latest ruling-class offensive on the people’s movements in the name of
‘Samadhan’ as an integral part of the all-round Brahmanical Hindu-fascist assault on all classes, sections and people of the country and in pursuance of the Hindutva agenda of transforming the country into a ‘Hindu Rashtra’ by 2022 under the signboard of ‘New India’. Fascination of the state and the society is the method the Indian ruling classes backed by the imperialists have chosen to overcome the grave economic and political crises besetting them as well as the capitalist world system at present.

The ruling classes throughout the world are resorting to fascism and depending on the fascist forces to crush the growing disaffection and resistance among the masses against their anti-people policies. The regressive Hindutva forces led by Modi-Shah-Bhagawat clique ruling the country too are a part of this. To divert the attention of the masses from the real and burning issues faced by the vast majority of the people like poverty, hunger, unemployment, lack of basic facilities like medicines, education, drinking and irrigation water, shelter, skyrocketing price rise, agrarian crisis, atrocities on Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and women, etc., these forces are bringing to the fore irrelevant and contentious issues like Ram temple, triple talaq, etc. They are presenting Muslims, ‘Islamic terrorists’, Maoists, Pakistan, etc. as threats to the country. Whipping up rabid ultra-nationalism, pseudo-patriotism, warmongering and communal passion, the saffron-terrorists are trying to secure their hold over state power and crush all forms of opposition including parliamentary opposition. In this way, they are trying to further strengthen and consolidate the dictatorship of the ruling classes and imperialism over the country and its people.

It is the demand of our times that all the revolutionary, democratic, secular, progressive and patriotic forces of the country and all sections of the oppressed masses must come together today to squarely take on the challenge posed by the Brahmanical Hindu-fascist forces and their governments. We must unite and resolutely fight back the Hindutva offensive ideologically, politically, militarily and culturally and in all forms, including ‘Samadhan’ and ‘New India’! We must resist and defeat the saffron fascists on all fronts by intensifying the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and anti-fascist people’s struggles throughout the country. It is with this objective that our Party is calling upon the entire revolutionary-democratic camp and the vast masses of the country to successfully observe a week of protest against ‘Samadhan’ offensive of the ruling classes and the Hindutva ruling-clique from 25 to 31 January 2019 and to observe Bharat Bandh on 31 January 2019. We call upon the rank and file of the Party, PLGA, revolutionary mass organisations and organs of people’s democratic power to take up various programmes by involving the masses to make successful the Protest Week and the day-long Bandh. Let us unite to resolutely resist and smash the ‘Samadhan’ assault just as the united people had done with Jan Jagaran, Salwa Judum, Sendra, OGH and other fascist ruling-class offensives in the past!

2 December 2018



Central Committee

CPI (Maoist)

Remembering Comrade Pierre French Maoist From PCM, Italy

Comrade Pierre

Dear comrades,

A strong and warm greeting to all of you gathered here to keep alive the memory of Comrade Pierre, a great comrade m-1-m example of tenacity and coherence in every day of his life as a revolutionary.

After one year from his death the numerous messages of the revolutionary parties and organizations from many countries are still alive in us, this is obviously not a case:

Comrade Pierre was one of the few Maoist comrades who in Europe after forging himself in the French storm of May-June ’68 and the years after taking part in the Gauche Proletarienne, when many retired swallowed up in the general reflux of the movement, he held high the red flag of the revolution in France continuing to be linked to the proletariat and to the popular masses of his country but also to the other revolutionary forces that in other European countries faced similar contradictions of the class struggle.

Pierre went through the difficult ’80s and’ 90s in France in particular and in Europe in general, often alone or with a few other comrades at his side but, despite this, he never lost the confidence of a red future, he founded the PCm France in the early 2000s in the fire of the class struggle and in close connection with the masses. We are very close to today’s members of this party more than ever.

In all these years the PCM France, under the guidance of Comrade Pierre, was the only revolutionary party in France, always at the forefront of the class struggle against the French imperialist monopolistic bourgeoisie, marching towards modern fascism, represented yesterday by Sarkozy, Hollande etc. today by Macron;

The PCm France directed by comrade Pierre was the only party in France, together with other Maoist comrades in Europe, that was alongside the proletariat and the popular masses of the French banlieues in revolt in 2005 and in the following years, while the trotskyists, the ml and the false revolutionaries wavered and judged from above the class struggle that unfolded before their eyes.

With this revolutionary spirit the PCm France directed by comrade Pierre fought reformism, the false-communists and the “cybermaoists” good only to publish proclamations on the internet without ever getting their hands dirty in the class struggle.

Comrade Pierre and his tireless comrades fled to the universities, fought the labor law and organized militant anti-fascism.

Comrade Pierre with his practice and revolutionary line has formed the young generation of Maoist comrades who today are part of the PCm France and who continue along this path.

Comrade Pierre and his companions, tireless, were at the gates of Renault, in the streets of the banlieues, alongside the sans papiers just arrived from Italy after a hard struggle led by our party had finally managed to arrive in France to … start fighting for their rights again, in both countries they found the Maoists to organize them and to direct their right fight!

All of these are facts and not slogans! All of that is the embodiment of the construction of the m-l-m parties in the fire of the class struggle and in close connection with the masses.

The PCM France led by Comrade Pierre was a great example of an internationalist party for all the Maoists in Europe.

Comrade Pierre, has always supported the People’s Wars organizing and becoming the promoter of support committees in his country, he was also one of the founders of the International Committee for Supporting the People’s War in India to which he made a huge contribution in a creative way, participating at all its meetings until the last one held in September last year a few months before his death.

This and more was remembered in many messages the day after his death, today our message is not merely commemorative, but a tribute to Comrade Pierre and the party he founded. We miss Comrade Pierre and all his revolutionary work and all of that is missed so much in Europe, so we reaffirm the need to continue on his way to continue to build what the comrade has already started to build:

– The battle for unity in Europe between the existing and under construction mlm communist parties, today undermined by right-wing opportunism but also by new subjectivist deviations that try to overturn Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and deprive it of its role as a blunt weapon of the working class to build its revolutionary party in the fire of class struggle and in close connection with the masses.

– The battle for the affirmation of real and practiced internationalism and not just propagandized in support of the People’s War and in particular of the People’s War in India, on this regard we think it is necessary to give the maximum support giving new impulse to the existing Committee also developing self-criticism and the unitary action among its promoters.

It is also necessary to take advantage of Pierre’s revolutionary experience in the mlm organization in which he took part in the ’70s: the Gauche Proletarienne, we believe that this experience should be even better explored in the service of the construction of mlm parties and the revolution in Europe, in the wake of this path traced in part by the class struggle in our countries it is possible to continue the journey towards the Revolution, not applying subjective and mechanical easy recipes.

Comrade Pierre is alive and fighting with us!

Long live the PCm France founded by comrade Pierre!

Forward in the construction of the m-l-m parties in Europe in the fire of the class struggle and in close connection with the masses!

Develop proletarian internationalism, from the womb of the European imperialist countries to support the ongoing People’s Wars!

PCm Italy


Celebrate the Party’s 50th anniversary and lead the Philippine revolution to greater victories

50 Years of CPP

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), together with the entire membership of the CPP, the Filipino people and all their revolutionary forces, celebrate today 50 years of great achievements and revolutionary victories accumulated by the Party through five decades of leading the people’s democratic revolution since it was established on December 26, 1968 under the theoretical guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Let us salute all the revolutionary heroes and martyrs who gave their all for the people and served the Party and the revolution to their last breath. It is with their dedication and sacrifices that made possible the revolutionary victories of the Filipino people. Let us be inspired by their examples and emulate their spirit of selfless service.

The Central Committee gives highest honors to Comrade Jose Ma. Sison, the Party’s founding chairman, who masterfully applied Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the concrete conditions of the Philippines and set the revolution along the correct path and steered it from strength to strength. Even during his prolonged incarceration and exile since 1987, his theoretical, socio-historical and practical insights continue to illuminate the Filipino people’s revolutionary path, help guide the Party as well as rouse the international proletariat and people to wage anti-imperialist resistance and socialist revolution.

The chronic crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal system continues to worsen. It has given rise to the US-Duterte fascist regime under which the rotten core of the ruling system is more rapidly being aggravated and fully laid bare.

We mark the Party’s 50th anniversary as the US-Duterte regime unleashes full-scale fascist terror and tyranny in the name of crushing the Party, defeating the armed revolution by mid-2019. In fact, it is  focused on overpowering all forms of resistance to its plan of manipulating and controlling the mid-term elections and steamrolling charter change for bogus federalism to impose a full-blown fascist dictatorship. Let us celebrate the CPP’s 50th anniversary as we wage all-out resistance against Duterte’s fascist tyranny, corruption and puppetry.

The Party is keenly aware of the exceedingly favorable revolutionary conditions in the Philippines. The broad masses of workers and peasants suffer from ever-worsening forms of oppression and exploitation, increasingly intolerable poverty and deprivation of the basic needs and services and ruthless fascist attacks and abuses by   state armed forces. They are driven and roused to rise up in mass struggles and wage armed resistance.

The national democratic revolution in the Philippines is one of the beacons of the international anti-imperialist resistance and proletarian revolution. By leading the Philippine revolution, the Party has helped keep the embers of proletarian defiance burning as the flames of socialist revolution were extinguished with the rise of modern revisionism and restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union and China.

Today, as the world capitalist system suffers from insoluble crisis, the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is being hoisted high by the revolutionary proletariat, enlightening and inspiring the working class and oppressed peoples across the world to wage democratic resistance and class struggles against imperialism and all reaction. Indeed, we are on the period of transition to a new international resurgence of national liberation struggles and proletarian revolution.

Prolonged depression of international capitalist system and intensified rivalries among big powers

The world capitalist system continues to muddle through what is euphemistically called the Great Recession, but which, in fact, is protracted economic depression and stagnation that has already lasted for one decade with no end in sight. The biggest capitalist economies have been unable to fully recover from the 2008 financial crisis despite massive state bailouts and stimulus packages for giant financial institutions, investment houses, and monopoly capitalist companies resulting in record debt and deficit spending. The debt bubble continue to inflate and is anticipated to burst soon in a financial meltdown far worse than ever before.

Over the past decade, global debt rose by more than four times from $57 trillion in 2007, to $164 trillion in 2016 and $247 trillion by the first quarter of 2018. As it stands, global debt is now at least three times greater than the projected $87.51 trillion world output this year.

The global centers of capitalism continue to be afflicted by economic crisis and financial troubles. The US, China, Japan and European capitalist countries remain in economic doldrums. Governments are reporting low official unemployment statistics but are merely obscuring the rising number of workers who have lost interest looking for jobs and who are not being counted as part of the labor force. Wages remain depressed.

The US economy, described as “doing very well” by the Trump government, is actually in a state of stagnation with less than 3% growth over the past several years. Fearing a further slowdown, the Trump government desperately seeks to boost investments by cutting interest rates and corporate taxes at the risk of racking up a US$1 trillion federal deficit in the next years, contrary to the position of US Federal Bank calling for higher interest rates. The government hypes up the 3.9% unemployment rate, downplaying its own 7.6% real unemployment rate. The real extent of joblessness is far worse as major companies in manufacturing and retail are laying-off workers as they cut down on operations or close shop as a result of intense competition and rising costs due to higher tariffs.

In an attempt to contend with the US for larger spheres of influence, sustain capitalist expansion and unload itself of surplus capital and idle inventory of steel and cement, China has undertaken the Belt and Road Initiative, a giant infrastructure program to build a network of roads, railways, ports and oil pipelines from China through Central and South Asia to Europe and Africa funded by Chinese high-interest loans and grants. However, Chinese economic growth of 6.5% this year is at its slowest since nearly 10 years ago amid state-imposed cuts in steel production and other commodities in the face of oversupply under the pretext of curbing pollution. The Chinese economy is increasingly financialized. Its debt has more than quadrupled since 2007 from $7 trillion to $36 trillion in 2018, with almost half in property speculation and 30% in shadow banking operations. The Chinese financial bubble is bound to burst even as the Chinese government vainly attempts to prevent it.

The Japanese economy contracted earlier this year, pulling it back to economic crisis, after a mere two successive years of slow growth, its longest over the past three decades. It is burdened by debts as much as 235% of its economy. Government reports almost full employment at only 2.4% unemployment but fail to count millions who have lost employment and have long given up looking for work, especially after 2008. Workers’ wages remain depressed and are threatened by government push for deregulation of entry of foreign workers.

Capitalist centers in Europe struggle with economic stagnation while smaller capitalist countries remain overburdened by debt and shackled with austerity measures imposed by the IMF, World Bank and EU. The rate of unemployment in Europe stands at 8%, and as high as 18.9% in Greece, 14.8% in Spain and 10.3% in Italy. The Russian economy remains stagnant and is buoyed merely by the temporary rise in the prices of oil and natural gas.

Majority of the countries around the world, including the Philippines, remain as economic adjuncts of the main global capitalist centers. These countries serve as sources of cheap raw materials such as minerals and agricultural products. To attract foreign investments, they compete against each other to bring down the costs of labor, liberalize trade and investment and sell their country’s patrimony.

On the other hand, imperialist powers compete to establish their economic hegemony over these countries to bring them within their spheres of influence and fields of investments.
Challenging US economic power, China is busy employing soft diplomacy and economic leverage to compel a growing number of countries to make excessive amounts of high interest borrowings and corruption-laden contracts tied to purchases of Chinese steel and other capital goods. These go to construction of roads, bridges, ports as well as investments in telecommunications, electricity and key economic infrastructure.

The global capitalist crisis has severely impacted on the underdeveloped countries. To attract loans and foreign capital, they are compelled to carry out further liberalization of trade and investments resulting in higher trade deficits, capital outflow, greater reliance on debt, non-productive spending, more rapacious foreign plunder of resources, worsening corruption, wage depression, heightened suppression of labor and land rights and overall worsening of socio-economic conditions of the people.

At the heart of the continuing prolonged depression of the international capitalist system is the crisis of overproduction in practically all fields of  commodity production. Monopoly capitalists are burdened by the unsold inventory of surplus oil, electronics and high-tech articles, rice and other food products, steel, cement and other construction materials, garments, foot ware, toys and other low-value added commodities.

Overproduction is the result of the fundamental contradiction between private ownership of the means of production (driven by profit-taking and capital accumulation) and the social character of production pushed to the extreme under neoliberal and financialized monopoly capitalism. The capitalist drive for profit leads to incessant competition to accelerate production at lower labor costs through automation and robotics resulting in accelerated production amid dwindling demand.

The ever rising organic composition of capital results in falling rates of profit and bankruptcies. Capital becomes ever more concentrated and centralized as bigger and more powerful monopolies devour their competitors in mergers and acquisitions on a national and international scale.

There is massive production overcapacity across the board resulting in idle machines and factories and rust belts in entire workers districts and cities in both industrialized and non-industrialized countries.

There is a widespread destruction of productive forces around the world. Workers suffer from low wages and increasingly worsening forms of oppression and exploitation under so-called flexible employment schemes. There is also massive displacement of farmers and farmworkers as a result of expansion of “economic zones” and export-crop plantations.

The global capitalist crisis has led to massive unemployment, as a result of mass layoffs and closure of companies, as well as heightened drive towards automation. Up to 1.2 billion people are categorized as unemployed and underemployed (or “vulnerably employed”).

 The broad masses suffer from the erosion or termination of social provisions for education, health services, affordable housing, unemployment relief and other social benefits. They are victimized by cuts in social spending, austerity measures and other neoliberal policies.

Across the world, more than 70% of the population live on less than $10 a day, while more than half survive on less than $5.50 which is not sufficient to provide an average family with decent housing, clothing, daily nutrition, education and extra funds for emergency medical care.

There is rising social and economic inequality and increasing concentration of capital in the hands of the few. In the US, the top 10% of families own 75% of total household wealth, with the top 0.1% own as much as the bottom 90%. The share of the richest 1% of the global wealth has risen from 42.5% in 2008 to 50.1% in 2017, and is projected to reach 64% by 2030.

Economic crises across the globe are leading to the rise of fascism and racism in capitalist countries targeting immigrants, minorities and refugees, and blaming them for the crisis to blur the roots of  capitalist exploitation and economic crisis and drive a wedge among the oppressed people and hinder efforts to build working class unity.

Leading the fascist pack, US President Trump is espousing brazen Right-wing ideas and policies under the banner of “Make America Great Again.” Other ultra-reactionary parties and groups have gained headway in the United Kingdom, Germany, France and the rest of Europe, Brazil and other countries.

Capitalist crisis and monopoly competition for domination are more conspicuously leading to open big power rivalry and conflict in the form of trade wars, arms race, military forward deployments and scramble to control trade routes, sources of oil, rare earth and other minerals, oil and natural gas pipelines, and fields of investments. With the strategic decline of the US, the era of American unipolarism has given way to the current multipolar world and to an even more aggressive US effort to defend and assert its hegemony.

Economically, the US is rivalled primarily by China which has gone on an international diplomatic and economic offensive to forge bilateral and multilateral alliances and trade pacts to expand its market, source of raw materials and spheres of investments. China established the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) to export its surplus capital and rival the World Bank. It has joined an economic alliance with Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa (BRICS) and helped fund the BRICS Bank and other financial institutions.

 US and China economic rivalry has broken out in an open trade war after the US imposed tariffs on $250 billion worth of China steel, aluminum   and other commodities with the declared aim of protecting American manufacturers, but risking backlash with manufacturers dependent on cheap Chinese imports threatening to shut down or move production outside the US. China responded with tariffs on $34 billion worth of commodities from the US.

Militarily, the US is rivalled primarily by Russia whose nuclear arsenal is bigger. Under the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Russia is also advancing its diplomatic and military ties with China, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgz, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan as well as with India.

In the face of economic stagnation, US imperialism increasingly relies on military strength and arm-twisting to assert power in an effort to counter its strategic decline. It continues to strategically deploy its overseas troops, aircraft carriers and ballistic missiles. It maintains military bases and missiles, and conducts joint military exercises in countries bordering Russia and China as well as in different parts of the world. It mounts so-called freedom-of-navigation operations to challenge and provoke China’s military power in the South China Sea.

Direct military confrontation among the imperialist powers is becoming more and more inevitable. US power projection operations are increasingly incurring the ire of China with some   bellicose elements calling for direct counter action. Some US military experts anticipate the outbreak of US-China war in around 15 years. Proxy wars between capitalist powers such as those in Syria, Yemen, Ukraine and elsewhere continue to break out.

Increased military spending is fuelling military industries amid heightening arms race, military tensions and war preparations. Global military spending rose last year to $1.739 trillion to fund military research and development of new weaponry including smaller nuclear weapons, lasers, hypersonic missiles, military robots, as well as weapons for electronic warfare. The Trump government allocated $700 billion for military spending, much more than the combined spending of China and Russia. China, the second biggest military spender, increased spending by 5.6% to $228 billion and is expected to spend up to 8% this year.

There are countries asserting national sovereignty against US imperialist hegemony including North Korea, Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba and others.  The US continue to employ arm-twisting, economic sanctions and regime-change intervention against these countries. By asserting national sovereignty, more countries can take advantage of imperialist rivalries and contradictions to avail of a myriad of diplomatic, political and military opportunities to advance their country’s interests.

Rapid worsening of socio-economic conditions as a result of imperialist neoliberal policies and austerity measure are rousing millions of people across the world to wage mass struggles as well as armed and other forms of resistance.

Several hundred thousand people participated in widespread month-long mass actions and workers strikes in France to oppose new oil taxes and austerity measures, demanding wage increases and call for the ouster of the government. In addition, workers have also struck in Spain, Germany, Belgium and other European countries. In the US, giant demonstrations have been mounted by immigrants, blacks, women, students and workers to protest Trump’s outright anti-people policies. Workers strikes and student demonstrations continue to break out in China. There is widespread social unrest across the world as a result of food shortages, high prices, loss of income and other maladies caused by neoliberal policies.

 There are revolutionary armed struggles for national self-determination such as that being waged by the Kurdish people. Revolutionary armed struggles along the new democratic line being led by communist parties such as those in India and the Philippines continue to inspire other peoples in the world’s vast countryside to launch their own people’s war. Preparations for people’s war are being carried out in several countries.

The global capitalist crisis and interimperialist contradictions create conditions that favor the emergence or continued growth of revolutionary forces. After more than three decades of strategic retreat, the proletariat is in a position to lead a resurgence of new-democratic and socialist revolutions.

Proletarian revolutionary forces in all countries must provide leadership to the struggle against imperialism by strengthening themselves ideologically politically and organizationally. They must assiduously study the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and critically and creatively apply it  to the concrete conditions of the people by analyzing and identifying   the specific characteristics of the revolutionary struggle in their countries.

In leading the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines, the Filipino proletariat contributes to the worldwide resistance against imperialism and all reaction. It is in solidarity with and extends all kinds of support to the proletariat and working class parties and cadres across the globe in their efforts to arouse, organize and mobilize the people to rise up against their oppressors and exploiters.

Duterte’s reign of terror and tyranny amid worsening semicolonial and semifeudal conditions in the Philippines

The rise of the US-Duterte fascist regime and its reign of terror and tyranny is, symptomatic of, and aggravates the grave conditions of the semicolonial and semifeudal system in the Philippines. It manifests the increasing inability of the ruling classes to rely on old methods of political rule and their resort to the use of overt force to counter the growing resistance of the people and to compete with other power groups for power and bureaucratic loot.

The Philippines remains economically backward, agrarian and non-industrial. Domestic forces of production are constantly deteriorating under the weight of foreign monopoly capitalist and big comprador operations. The country’s natural wealth and labor resources are being plundered by multinational corporations and their partnership with big bourgeois compradors and big landlords.

Under neoliberal policies of trade and investment liberalization, deregulation and privatization, the country is condemned to being an exporter of cheap raw materials, a source of cheap labor and importer of capital goods and commodities for consumption.

 Local agricultural production is mostly small-scale using hand-tools, farm animals and small hand tractors. Rice production is backward with irrigation limited to less than 30%. Use of large farm machineries is highly limited. Wide swathes of agricultural land are held by big corporations and operated as plantations for large-scale production of bananas, pineapple, oil palm, rubber and other export crops with very little integration with the local economy.

Large-scale manufacturing is limited to so-called economic zones where semiprocessing for exports is done by big foreign-owned enterprises which operate their so-called “global value chains” network of factories taking advantage of cheap labor in different countries. Big foreign capitalists dominate the local extractive industries which plunder the country’s mineral resources and ravage the environment. There is very minimal local processing of mineral extracts, which are mostly shipped overseas, taking away large volumes of raw materials that should be used for the country’s industrial development.

 There is chronic mass unemployment in the Philippines in the absence of industrialization. There is practically no manufacturing sector in majority of the Philippine towns that could productively absorb millions being displaced from the rural areas. Mass unemployment in the Philippines is only being masked through statistical sleight of hand where the labor force is artificially reduced by not counting those who have already lost interest in looking for work and by counting as employed or underemployed those who are actually unemployed.

Acute joblessness is also being obscured by the large-scale deployment of overseas contract workers over the past three decades resulting in the diaspora of at least one tenth of the Philippine population or more than one fourth of the labor force. Dollar remittances from abroad has grown so large (projected to reach $33.7 billion this year) that the Philippine government relies on it to maintain steady foreign reserves levels. Foreign remittances, however, do not translate to local productivity as most of it merely sustain high costs of living and consumption of imported goods.

The Philippines suffer perennial and constantly growing trade deficits as a result of the unequal exchange between raw materials and low value-added commodities exports and imported finished commodities. It remains dependent on foreign debt which finance mostly corruption-laden infrastructure projects and which at best provide temporary employment.

Foreign investments mostly go to the stock market and other non-productive financial instruments, while some take the form of direct investments in export-oriented semi-processing in economic zones where they enjoy tax-free operations. In recent years, a large chunk of foreign investments go into business outsourcing (or call centers) which despite its size has failed to contribute anything productive to the local economy, except for the meager wages of its employees.

Under Duterte, the worst facets of the semicolonial and semifeudal system have grown even more grotesque in the face of the prolonged depression of the global capitalist system.

 Amid economic crisis, the Philippine government continues to wallow in fiscal deficits and debts. Last September, the budget deficit widened by almost 80% to P378 billion from P213.1 billion during the same period last year. To finance its programs and operations, the Philippine government plan to borrow as much as P624.4 billion next year. Duterte is seeking an excessive amount of loans from China, as well as from the Asian Development Bank and other financial institutions in order to spend for his Build, Build, Build Program.

Under Duterte, Philippine public debt rose by more than 17% to P7.167 trillion from P6.09 trillion in 2016. Over the past 15 years, the Philippines alloted P10.741 trillion in debt payments and services. The dollar-dominated foreign debts that are US dollar denominated will become more onerous if the US Federal Bank succeeds in raising interest rates.

The country’s trade deficit has risen sharply to $33.9 billion in the first 10 months, surpassing the $27.4 billion trade gap last year, and is expected to reach $40 billion by the end of 2018. This is the result of large increases in importation of capital goods to supply semi-processing and China-funded infrastructure binge. There is a slow growth of exports in the face of the global economic slowdown.

The rise in the trade deficit has resulted in the sharp increase in the country’s balance of payments deficit which is set to reach to $5.1 billion from $860 million last year or an increase of almost 500%. This is anticipated to further rise to $8.4 billion next year. The peso is set to further devalue against the dollar.

The Duterte regime has expanded the worse of the neoliberal policies. It completely liberalized rice importation on the pretext of bringing down domestic prices, but without a plan to subsidize and help raise local rice production. This is set to cause a grave impact on local rice production and the income of Filipino rice farmers as local farm gate prices are set to dip with the influx of cheap imported rice.

To get the stamp of credit rating agencies and assure lenders, the Duterte regime imposed early this year  additional taxes through the TRAIN law  pushed by the US-funded Partnership for Growth. The slew of burdensome taxes on goods, which alongside incessant oil price increases, resulted in months of skyrocketing prices of food and other basic commodities and rising cost of living.

The deterioration of the people’s socio-economic conditions is made worse by the Duterte regime’s policy of social spending cuts and privatization of public services. Next year, it plans to cut the budget for education by P54.9 billion and health by P36 billion. Despite the promise of providing free college education, the budget of 63 of 113 state colleges and universities were further reduced. It also reduced the budget alloted to agriculture by P5.9 billion, housing by P2.9 billion and agrarian reform by P1.7 billion. No new public housing nor new classrooms for 2019 is planned.

Bureaucrat capitalism has hypertrophied to monstrous proportions under the Duterte regime. Corruption is all over the Duterte regime and can no longer be concealed by Duterte’s fake “I hate corruption” soundbyte. He has been allied with the Marcoses and Arroyos to mobilize their political support since the 2016 elections and has acted in favor of the plunderers by causing their exculpation and release from prison and enabling them to bounce back in the reactionary political game.

Employing fascist tyranny and flouting Philippine laws, Duterte succeeded in placing the entire Philippine government machinery under his absolute control. He rid the Supreme Court of its critical chief justice through extra-constitutional methods in order to replace her with his appointee. He reinforced alliances with the worst of the fascists and plunderers. To reward his allies in congress and draw support for his charter change scheme to pave the way for dictatorial rule, he bribed politicians with at least P75 billion worth of pork barrel insertions in the 2019 budget. Unequal distribution of pork barrel and other bureaucratic perks has resulted in open rifts among Duterte’s allies in congress.

The biggest corruption schemes under Duterte involves hundreds of billions of pesos in planned infrastructure projects. Duterte and his family, cronies and political allies are set to further enlarge their wealth through bribes and cuts in loan and constructions contracts and “finders fees” in overpriced infrastructure projects.

The biggest among Duterte’s dummies is Dennis Uy who has expanded his business into a large empire capped by the awarding of telecommunication franchise with the state-owned China Telco. Duterte also granted large contracts to other big bourgeois compradors including Eduardo Cojuangco, Ramon Ang, Lucio Tan, Manny Pangilinan and others. On the other hand, he made use of his powers to threaten other big businesses with taxes or sanctions to punish or coerce them to extend financial support.

In exchange for a few billion dollars of high-interest loans and grants, Duterte sold out the Filipino people’s sovereign rights and national patrimony to China in an agreement to “jointly explore and develop” the oil and gas resources in the West Philippine Sea,   estimated at around $60 trillion. In the agreement, Duterte treacherously sets aside the Philippine’s rightful claim to its territorial sea, exclusive economic zone and extended continental shelf. The Duterte regime failed to oppose China building of military facilities in the Spratlys.

Behind the rhetoric of a foreign independent policy, the Duterte regime has exhibited utter servility to the US. The US military continues to dominate the Philippines economically, politically, culturally and military through unequal treaties, agreements and arrangements and use the Philippines as a base for its operations to project military strength in the Asia-Pacific region, including the South China Sea. It built at least five military facilities within AFP camps under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Civilian ports are regularly used as military docks to service American nuclear-capable warships, aircraft carriers and submarines. There are 200-300 US military advisers permanently stationed in the Philippines. They are attached to the AFP and actively train the Light Reaction Regiment (which was deployed to Marawi) and the recently formed 1st Brigade Combat Team, both based in Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija.

Crime and corruption have melded scandalously under Duterte. He is now overlord of shabu smuggling and trafficking. In just over a year, at least two tons of shabu have been smuggled into the country resulting in the drop in its street prices and worsening state of drug addiction. It has been long   clear that Duterte’s so-called war against drugs is nothing but a war to control the illegal drug trade in the country by hitting the operations of other drug syndicates and making all the crime lords bow to his authority. Duterte is compadre to the notorious drug lord Peter Lim, while his son and son-in-law were exposed as involved in the smuggling of more than 600 kilos of shabu.

The reactionary state of big bourgeois compradors and big landlords has turned to outright fascism under Duterte. It is increasingly shedding its trappings of democracy and bourgeois rights. Having been thoroughly exposed for his anti-people policies, Duterte can no longer persuade the people to support his regime. By employing state terrorism to keep himself in Malacañang  and monopolize power, Duterte exposes the rotten core of the ruling system.

Duterte has given the military vast powers under his regime. The ceaseless all-out war policy under Oplan Kapayapaan, the extension of Mindanao martial law up to the end of 2019, declaration of the state of national emergency and deployment of a large number of Army battalions to Bicol, Samar and Negros, continuing threats to impose nationwide martial law, Red-tagging and threats of illegalization against democratic mass organizations and mass arrests of their leaders and members are all tantamount to nationwide martial law. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) now has absolute powers covering practically half the country.

He has bribed military and police officials with salary increases, cash rewards for death squad operations and billions of unaudited intelligence funds and appointments in government offices. The budget for the Department of National Defense will be increased by 35% to P183.4 billion, P25 billion of which will go to corruption-laden purchases under the AFP Modernization Program. He also raised the budget of the Department of Interior and Local Government (now under former AFP chief Eduardo Año) by 31% to P225 billion next year.

His government is now dominated by former military officials who were appointed to various key agencies including the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the Office of the Presidential Peace Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) where they will be in control of several hundred billion pesos of funds for so-called intelligence operations, “integration programs” for “rebel surrenderees,” local peace talks, reward for “balik-baril” program, and others.

With absolute powers, the military is set on meddling in the upcoming 2019 midterm elections, if these are held, in order to manipulate the results to favor pro-Duterte and pro-AFP politicians. This is in line with his plan of perpetuating himself in power by installing himself as a dictator through charter change which would allow for reelections and a bogus kind of federal system in which powers are centralized in his hand and he handpicks his regional and provincial agents among the warlords and political dynasties.

Duterte and the AFP have repeatedly boasted of crushing the NPA. Their claim last year that the NPA will be defeated before the end of 2018 has been frustrated and proven a big lie. This year, they proclaim that the NPA will be completely finished by mid-2019. As in all previous regimes, they keep on moving their impossible deadline.

Under the National Internal Security Plan (NISP) 2018, Duterte and the AFP are mounting a major strategic offensive against the revolutionary forces in the hope of stopping its nationwide growth amid the worsening socio-economic conditions. It released Executive Order No. 70 forming the “National Task Force (NTF) to End Local Communist Armed Conflict” and proclaiming the so-called whole-of-nation approach, a doctrine first espoused by the AFP in Oplan Bayanihan and derived from the 2009 US Counterinsurgency Guide of the US State Department.

Duterte has taken pains to portray his Oplan Kapayapaan counterinsurgency plan as “civilian-led,” when, on the contrary, the entire civilian bureaucracy is now militarized by being placed under the operational control of the AFP. Under the NTF and its so-called 12 Operational Pillars, various government agencies are being clustered with the AFP and PNP to ensure that its programs will fit in with the plans of the military and police. Duterte wants to weaponize the entire government against the revolutionary movement, the legal democratic forces and all opposition.

Under the NISP 2018, Duterte and the AFP aim to suppress the legal democratic forces through surveillance, intimidation and harassment, abductions, restrictions against democratic rights and through a legal offensive of slapping patently trumped-up charges against activists, mass leaders and political oppositionists. There are more than 500 political prisoners suffering prolonged detention, 200 of whom were arrested under the Duterte regime. There are fears of a rise in the number of extrajudicial killings after he outrightly announced his plan to murder “potential members” of the NPA with the use of “Duterte Death Squads”. Taken aback by the blatantly criminal announcement of their commander-in-chief, Defense Secretary Lorenzana dissembled by declaring that the AFP will use “intelligence units” rather than blatant death squads.

Incited and emboldened by Duterte’s bellicosity, the military and police have perpetrated grave abuses and gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Fascist troops have laid siege and occupied hundreds of rural villages and subjected the peasant masses to untold sufferings. Extrajudicial killings and massacres against peasant leaders and activists are on the rise. There are rampant cases of abductions, torture, illegal detention, and other forms of abuses. Military forces are being deployed to suppress workers’ strikes, especially in plantations and mines.

The military has imposed food and economic blockades and other restrictions, subjecting people to endless harassments, accusing them without proof of being “rebels” to force them to “clear their names” and “surrender” to the military, conscripting them to the Army’s CAFGU units and paramilitary groups and forcing them to render labor to construct military detachments. The presence of fascist troops in the peasant villages are unwelcome as they disrupt the livelihood and family life of the people and cause undue distress with their drinking sprees, sporadic firing of weapons, and promotion of pornography, drug use, gambling and other vices. In the Mindanao regions, the military has closed community and church-supported Lumad schools for supposedly being run by the NPA, causing trauma among the children.

Across the country, the AFP and PNP have relentlessly mounted successive focused military operations against the NPA, involving several hundred troops and supported by artillery shelling and aerial bombardment using attack helicopters. These are being carried out primarily in resource-rich areas of the peasants and national minorities, including those in the Bangsamoro areas, with the strategic aim of suppressing the masses’ defense of their farm land and ancestral domain in order to pave the way for the entry of mining companies, logging, energy and tourism projects, oil palm and other export crop plantations, commercial reforestation and other big bourgeois comprador and foreign-owned enterprises.

Duterte has completely shut the doors to peace talks with the NDFP since issuing Proclamation 360 and Proclamation 374 last year. Peace consultants of the NDFP have been treacherously arrested with planted evidence of firearms and explosives and charged with trumped-up criminal cases in violation of their guaranteed rights. The AFP is pushing for so-called localized peace talks, not to address the roots of the armed conflict in a comprehensive way between authorized negotiating panels at the national level, but as a divide-and-rule tactic and an additional corruption racket.

The US-Duterte regime’s fascism and puppetry are engendering the rapid growth of revolutionary armed struggle and mass movement while accelerating its isolation and heightening the people’s determination to cause its overthrow.

Even with US military advice and support, Duterte’s pipedream of crushing by mid-2019 the people’s armed revolution and other forms of resistance will fail.

First of all, he does not have the support of the people. In fact, he is utterly despised by the people for causing grave hardships and trampling on their democratic rights. His regime is a tyrannical, treasonous, brutal, corrupt and mendacious instrument of foreign domination and the local exploiting classes. The AFP’s Oplan Kapayapaan and the NISP 2018 are being fully exposed and discredited for serving the needs of big business, big landlords, mining and plantation companies to the detriment of the peasant masses and minority peoples. Duterte is defending an oppressive and exploitative system that is rotten to the core.

Bereft of political and moral highground, Duterte relies on military superiority, both in terms of number and weaponry, to advance his anti-national, antipeople and anti-democratic aims. His armed forces cannot but act in a brutal and despicable way, despite all pretenses and lies. With the nationwide spread and growth of the NPA, it is practically impossible for Duterte to achieve superiority on all fronts at any given time. The NPA enjoys such widespread and deep support among the masses rendering the AFP incapable of encircling or constricting every guerrilla unit without rousing widespread resistance.

The drive to arm the AFP with more artillery, attack and utility helicopters and surveillance drones are indications of the growing limitations of its ground troops. Spending for big-ticket military hardware, however, burden the people as these exhaust state funds and eat up allocations for social spending. Large military spending is unsustainable in the long run for Duterte’s bankrupt regime even with US support, especially as it becomes domestically untenable for the US to extend all-out support to Duterte and the AFP’s counterrevolutionary war because of American public opposition to gross military abuses and human rights violations.

Duterte’s all-out war and complete disregard for human rights, international humanitarian law and the civilized conduct of war are inciting the people’s antifascist resistance. Rousing widespread hatred for all the rottenness he perpetrates and perpetuates, Duterte is bound to end up like Marcos and Estrada who where overthrown in 1986 and 2001 respectively. By giving the military cabal vast powers, Duterte is setting himself up for a coup or withdrawal of military and police support by those with whom he has partnered with, or by those who have been disenfranchised by his favoritism. This can combine with a popular uprising by a united front of democratic forces which will put an end to his tyrannical regime.

The Party steadily grows in strength as people’s resistance intensifies

The Filipino people’s resistance against the US-Duterte fascist regime continues to intensify amid worsening socio-economic conditions and political crisis of the ruling system.

Duterte’s reign of terror and tyranny, attacks against democratic rights, subservience to the US, sellout of the country’s national sovereignty and patrimony, bureaucrat capitalist corruption and narcopolitics and antipeople neoliberal policies exposes the rotten core of the ruling system and rouses the Filipino people to wage democratic mass struggles and revolutionary armed resistance.

Across the country, there is widespread rural unrest as the peasant masses raise their demand for genuine land reform and struggle for land rent reduction, elimination of usury, fair farm gate prices and higher wages for farm workers. Victims of land grabbing and land title holders who have been deprived of their ownership through so-called agricultural venture agreements, “conversions” and “leasebacks” and various schemes are fighting to wrest back their rights to the land. Peasants and national minority peoples are firmly defending their lands and opposing the schemes of big landlords, real estate speculators, big mining firms, energy and tourism projects and oil palm plantations.

There is a steady rise in workers strikes and protest actions demanding job regularization, wage increases and other democratic demands in Southern Tagalog, Central Luzon, the National Capital Region, Northeastern and Southern Mindanao regions. Workers are steadfastly building their unions despite all-out suppression by police and military forces.

Students are being stirred to take action by the Duterte regime’s fascist attacks, the political restoration of the Marcoses, as well as by the regime’s failure to carry out the promised free public college education program and by rising costs of education. They continue to show solidarity with the peasants and national minorities against fascist suppression in the countryside, as well as with workers in factory strikes and protests. Student protests against the regime’s subservience to foreign imperialist interests and growing foreign domination are also on the rise.

The united front of democratic forces and broad range of anti-Duterte opposition forces continue to gain strength. There is widespread clamor to make Duterte accountable for all his crimes in the “drug war,” the destruction of Marawi, martial law in Mindanao and Oplan Kapayapaan.

There is rising demand for justice amid the growing list of crimes perpetrated against the people by the Duterte fascist regime. There is demand for justice over the recent Sagay Massacre in Negros Occidental perpetrated by the Army-controlled and landlord-funded SCAA forces, as well as other massacres and extrajudicial killings. There is broad support in the struggle against Duterte’s closure of Lumad community schools. There is rising demand to end artillery shelling and aerial bombardment as these endanger the lives of civilians and cause widespread trauma. There is resounding call to withdraw all military troops (doing so-called “peace and development” operations) from rural villages, dismantle Army and paramilitary detachments near civilian communities and end the coercion of civilians to pose as “rebel surrenderees.”

The legal democratic forces and the broad anti-fascist united front mounted big multisectoral mass actions in the past months. These are poised to grow even bigger in the coming months as intensified attacks on democratic rights and electoral fraud stoke protests. These will be further bolstered by strikes and other mass protests by workers and other oppressed sectors against new taxes, the soaring prices of basic commodities, the practice of short-term contractualization (endo) and other burdensome neoliberal policies which aggravate their living conditions.

The national democratic forces are one of the strongest pillars of the broad democratic movement against the Duterte fascist regime. They are resiliently asserting their legal democratic rights and opposing the Duterte regime’s crackdown, Red-baiting and legal offensive of slapping trumped-up criminal charges. They are determined to oppose and frustrate Duterte’s scheme to manipulate the elections using the AFP and his Comelec appointees.

As the most consolidated expression of the united front, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) continues to grow as its underground revolutionary mass organizations serve as the solid core of the people’s democratic resistance against the fascist regime. Through the NDFP and its network, more and more people are drawn to join or support the revolutionary armed struggle in the countryside.

The revolutionary armed struggle being waged by the New People’s Army is steadily advancing nationwide. Under the Party’s leadership, the NPA continues to seize the initiative in waging widespread and intensive guerrilla warfare based on an ever widening and deepening mass base across country. It has recently stepped up annihilative tactical offensives from north to south, wiping out small enemy units and seizing firearms and other war materiél while carrying out numerous attritive actions against fascist troops with the help of people’s militias and self-defense corps of revolutionary mass organizations.

Despite being focus of enemy offensives, the NPA in Mindanao continues to persevere and succeed in launching annihilative tactical offensives, most notable of which is the recent overrunning of a CAFGU detachment and capture of 24 firearms in Agusan del Sur. Focused and sustained military operations such the three-week long AFP offensives in the Bukidnon-Misamis Oriental-Agusan del Sur triboundary with the aim of driving away the Lumad from their lands have been roundly frustrated.

With mastery of terrain, superior guerrilla tactics of concentration, dispersal and shifting, combined with the deep support of the masses, the NPA this year succeeded to frustrate one enemy focused military operation after another. The AFP has wasted billions of  pesos in mostly fruitless operations lasting several weeks or more. Units of the NPA have adeptly mounted counter-encirclement operations to hit the enemy forces from their rear or  flank. Combat units of the AFP have repeatedly suffered casualties as they are deployed as cannon fodder by their superiors.

Quick to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the enemy’s focused and sustained operations and being good at learning lessons from accumulated and recent experiences, the NPA is more confident and capable in defeating the enemy’s strategic offensive. The enemy desperately wants to duplicate its concentrated and sustained offensives in the Davao region in North Central Mindanao, Samar, Bicol, Southern Tagalog and Negros. It will, however, be roundly frustrated as it faces a stronger nationwide force of the NPA that is ever more capable and determined to mount annihilative attacks on its weak and vulnerable points, to make it bleed with countless attritive actions while avoiding its attacks. It will become more isolated from the people and be driven out of many areas by the mounting outrage of the people.

The Party and the NPA grasp more firmly the requisites of widespread, at the same time, intensive character of guerrilla warfare, as to the building and deployment of its horizontal and vertical formations, forming guerrilla theaters composed of two to three guerrilla fronts, employing some elements of regular mobile warfare, mobilizing the masses for armed struggle, waging agrarian revolution and other mass campaigns in the countryside while fighting enemy operations, combining legal, illegal and semilegal forms of organizations and actions of the masses, and using dual tactics in dealing with the reactionary government’s processes and institutions.

Whenever the AFP deploys several battalions in focused military operations against one or several fronts, it unwittingly gives leeway for NPA units in other guerrilla fronts to conduct widespread political work among the people and mount tactical offensives against the isolated and weak points of the enemy in their areas of operation. On a bigger scale, the deployment of around 75% (now down to less than 65% after redeployments) of AFP combat troops in Mindanao  provided the NPA in the Luzon and Visayas regions the opportunity to mount a growing number of tactical offensives. Duterte’s order to deploy more troops in Bicol, Samar and Negros is an admission of the growing strength of the NPA in Luzon and Visayas. In doing so, the AFP is being further overstretched, increasingly exposing thinner parts to NPA annihilative offensives.

The Communist Party of the Philippines continues to grow in strength in the course of the struggle against the US-Duterte regime and waging protracted people’s war to carry forward the people’s democratic revolution.

By condemning Duterte’s tyranny and fascist terrorism, calling on the people to resist the regime’s campaign of mass murder, exposing its fake “drug war,” crimes and corruption, denouncing the wanton destruction of Marawi, assailing its subservience to the US, and protesting its neoliberal policies, excessive loans and sellout of country’s patrimony, the Party has succeeded in setting the correct line of uniting the Filipino people under a broad united front to overthrow the US-Duterte fascist regime through all forms of resistance. The US-Duterte regime is now increasingly isolated from the people.

In doing so, the Party has fortified its position to further strengthen the revolutionary mass movement and lead the NPA in further advancing the people’s war.

Let us celebrate the Party’s 50th anniversary and lead the revolution to greater victories

Today, let us mark and celebrate the great and glorious achievements and revolutionary victories accumulated by our Party in the past 50 years of waging the people’s democratic revolution. Let us reaffirm our commitment and determination to lead the revolution to greater victories in the future.

Let us recall the glorious 50-year history of the Party and celebrate its achievements and victories in the ideological, political and organizational fields. The Party’s founding chairman has authored “Great Achievements of the CPP in 50 Years of Waging Revolution” which should be studied by all Party cadres and members to gain a firm grasp of the key lessons drawn from the Party’s history.

The past 50 years of revolutionary resistance led by the Party form the latest stage in the Filipino people’s century-long struggle for national liberation from US imperialist domination. The Party traces its historical roots to the old national democratic revolution against Spanish colonialism which broke out in 1896 led by the bourgeois liberalism-inspired Katipunan, to the anti-imperialist revolutionary forces who persisted in revolutionary armed resistance during the Fil-Am War, as well as from the pioneers of working class organizing and Party-building led by Crisanto Evangelista in the 1930s and their struggles against the American and Japanese colonial forces.

Inspired by its achievements of the past 50 years, the Party continues to firmly uphold the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist stand, viewpoint, and method and the line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war to end the oppressive and exploitative semicolonial and semifeudal system and create the conditions for socialist revolution and its ultimate goal of building a communist future.

The entire membership of the Party is solidly united by the Program for a People’s Democratic Revolution, Constitution and other decisions and resolutions of its 2nd Congress of 2016 and the leadership of the 2nd Central Committee. It is firmly guided by the three-year program of the Central Committee as further elaborated and extended to five years, and by the timely guidance and advice of the Executive Committee.

The Party continues to strengthen its grasp of the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and its particular application in the Philippines. It raises the theoretical knowledge of its members and cadres by providing them the basic, intermediate and advanced Party courses, publication and translation of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist writings,  conducting social investigations,  studying and analyzing  current domestic and foreign events and by summing-up and drawing lessons to enrich and develop theoretical knowledge from the social practice and practical experiences of the Party, the revolutionary movement and broad masses of the people.

The Party central leadership and regional committees aim to complete the 25-year summing-up of the Party to draw lessons in Party building, waging armed struggle and united front work since the Second Great Rectification Movement in order to correct shortcomings and weaknesses and more firmly carry forward the people’s war to higher stages.

We must raise the capability of our cadres in mobilizing the masses in their numbers and unleashing creativity and initiative of the people in waging revolutionary armed resistance, mass struggles and other forms of mass undertaking. Party cadres should firmly apply the principle of mass line in their style of work and methods of leadership. The Party is single-minded in the task of uniting and leading the Filipino people in their resistance to overthrow the US-Duterte fascist regime and the struggle to end imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

The Party must lead the New People’s Army in waging guerrilla warfare and boldly mounting tactical offensives against the enemy. The NPA must target the worst of the fascist and corrupt units and officials and sanction the worst plunderers who cause grave damage to the environment and the people’s livelihood.

The Party must take hold of the strength of the NPA at the regional, subregional and front levels and relatively concentrate the necessary force to mount raids and ambuscades and other tactical offensives against detached units of the AFP, police stations, paramilitaries and other enemy soft targets as well as abusive private security guards and agencies and criminal gangs. The NPA units must always ensure that they launch tactical offensives that they are capable of winning.

On the basis of information and complaints of the people, ascertained by the pertinent authorities of the people’s court, armed teams of the NPA must undertake arrest operations or punitive actions against individuals in urban or rural areas who are notorious for serious human rights violations, corruption and anti-social or criminal activities. The Party and NPA commands at all levels and in units must raise the fighting will and capability of all NPA Red fighters and NPA units through political education, military training, regular exercises, intelligence and reconnaissance against enemy positions, assessments, summing-ups and planning through regular and timely military conferences.

The Party must ensure that policies with regard to the correct force structure of the NPA are implemented. It must ensure the proper disposition of NPA units to avoid overdispersal of small   units which are vulnerable to enemy encirclement. The NPA must combine and balance its work in guerrilla zones and base areas. It must ensure the development and strengthening of guerrilla bases determined by the social and political terrain, typically in front and subregional border areas to serve as rear where NPA units can be concentrated when necessary both for strategic planning and tactical coordination. We must ensure that the NPA strictly comply with security policies, in maintaining the secrecy of sensitive information and avoiding unnecessary exposures.

The Party must ensure that NPA commands plan and carry out annihilative tactical offensives (for the purpose of wiping out enemy units and seizing its weapons) as the principal form of tactical offensives while carrying out widespread attrition to harass, weaken, demoralize and disrupt the enemy’s plans. The primary aim of mounting tactical offensives is to to disarm the enemy and seize its weapons. We must conduct propaganda and political work within the ranks of the enemy to cause its disintegration.

The Party and NPA must strive to have a defense plan from the regional down to the section level, studying close the enemy’s plans, deployment, operations and tactics. We must ensure that NPA commands at every level are able to direct and coordinate all NPA units within their scope. We must ensure that all NPA units perform their role, coordinate and cooperate with other NPA units and help each other overcome problems in supply, logistics, communication, intelligence and others. Mobilize the masses to perform various tasks in guerrilla warfare, including joining tactical offensives, carrying out operations in the enemy’s rear, intelligence and others. Boldly recruit new Red fighters following basic requirements.

The Party calls on all revolutionary forces to intensify antifeudal struggles and other mass struggles in the countryside. Amid worsening conditions and worsening forms of exploitation and oppression, the broad masses of peasants must intensify the land reform movement across the country and raise the demand for free distribution of land to the tiller. Mobilize the peasant masses in their millions.

In the guerrilla zones, we must ardently carry out the Party’s minimum land reform program of rent reduction, elimination of usury and demanding fair prices of farm products. We must launch campaigns to raise rural income and improve the lot of the peasant masses, and encourage more support for the NPA. We must always pay attention to the outstanding problems of the masses and plan to resolve or address their concerns through mass campaigns and mobilization. We must launch campaigns and programs for literacy and education, health and sanitation, peace and order and others. We must launch cultural and propaganda campaigns to raise the people’s courage and militancy and rouse them to struggle against fascism.

The Party urges the peasant masses to intensify their struggle against fascist abuses by the AFP, its paramilitaries, police forces and other armed agents of the reactionary state. They must rise in protest against the entry of so-called “peace and development operations” of the AFP, and assert the democratic rights and rights as civilians, and oppose the AFP’s campaign to witchhunt or Red-tag and illegalize them. They must draw broad support for their cause by uniting with other forces in an anti-fascist united front.

The Party calls on the broad masses of workers, students and other democratic sectors in the cities to intensify their anti-fascist and anti-imperialist struggles and support for anti-feudal struggles. They must carry out mass struggles to advance their rights and welfare amid worsening socio-economic conditions as a result of Duterte’s heavy taxation, inflation, corruption, misuse of public funds and other anti-people policies.

Boldly expand the anti-fascist united front to resist the tyranny and terrorism of the US-Duterte regime. Unite all democratic forces and sectors such as the academe, church people, journalists, professionals, business and others. Defend the people’s legal democratic rights and resist Duterte’s de facto martial law.

At the same time, the revolutionary forces in the cities must persevere in building their underground organizations and network to frustrate and defeat the Duterte regime’s surveillance, arrests, extrajudicial killings and other forms of attack against the legal democratic forces. Activists and mass leaders who are being targets of liquidation or abduction can avail of the security of the guerrilla base areas of the NPA.

The Party enjoins its cadres in the urban areas, especially among the young workers and young intellectuals, to go to the countryside to help the peasant antifeudal struggles or join the New People’s Army in waging revolutionary armed struggle.

The Party and all revolutionary forces must wage relentless propaganda to expose the lies of Duterte and the AFP. Reach out to all rural villages, factories, schools, offices, urban communities, as well as to Filipino workers overseas.

As the Filipino people wage all-out resistance against the US-Duterte fascist regime, the Party continues to grow in strength, drawing thousands of new members from the ranks of Red fighters and advanced elements and activists of the revolutionary mass movement of peasants, workers, urban poor, students and youth, women, professionals, migrant workers and other oppressed sectors. It has thousands of Party branches which lead the people in their mass struggles. It aims to breach one hundred thousand members in the coming years.

The Party continues to uphold and put into practice the principle of democratic centralism from the central leadership to the basic Party branches. The Central Committee decides and sets the principles, policies and line to guide the entire Party. Lower organs of the Party are subordinate to higher organs. But all Party organs and organizations must gather and lay the factual basis for decision-making and decision-making must be democratic, with the issues fully discussed and differences of views settled by majority vote. The Party combats bureaucratism and commandism and ultrademocracy and liberalism.

As we mark and celebrate the Party’s 50th anniversary, we look forward to accomplishing ever bigger achievements and revolutionary victories.

The Party and all revolutionary forces must persevere in carrying out and further developing extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare based on an ever widening and deepening mass base in order to bring the people’s war to the advanced stage of the strategic defensive, and thus lay the ground for further advancing to the strategic stalemate. In line with the strategy of protracted people’s war, we continue to wage revolutionary armed struggle, carry out land reform and build political power in the countryside, until it is capable of seizing political power in the cities and national capital.

The Party looks forward to attaining complete victory in the foreseeable future even as it is prepared to lead the people in waging revolutionary struggle for as long as it takes to put an end to the reign of the oppressors and exploiters.

The Party anticipates further worsening of the crisis of the ruling system in the Philippines as well as the global crisis of capitalism. This will create much more favorable conditions for the accelerated advance of the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines, anti-imperialist struggles across the world and the resurgence of the international communist movement at a higher plane.

All Party cadres at every level of leadership must perform duties with total proletarian revolutionary determination and carry out the arduous tasks in line with the communist spirit of selfless sacrifice.

Long live the Filipino and international proletariat and all oppressed and exploited people! Raise high the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long live the people’s democratic revolution! Long live the Communist Party of the Philippines!

China Arrests Student Leader for Celebrating Mao Zedong’s Birthday

Com.Mao Zedong

Under Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party has started building a cult of individual and despite paying occasional lip service to the late founder of the People’s Republic of China and the leader of the Chinese Revolution, Mao Zedong, the party has recently officially distanced itself from celebrating any legacy of the leader fearing a public sentiment rising in favour of socialism and thereby fuelling a massive unrest against the unbridled capitalist exploitation, inequality and oppression the majority of the people are subjected to.

Students of Peking University, whose alumni played important roles during the country’s first phase of Cultural Revolution against capitalist-roaders within the Chinese Communist Party in 1960s and another attempt at dethroning the capitalist-roader Deng Xiaoping and his sycophants in 1989, are always on the radar of the Chinese rulers who want to suppress each expression of socialist revolution within the country where they have provided a free reign to big corporations, foreign and domestic, to plunder the resources and labour.

The Chinese state security arrested a student leader of Peking University for attempting to celebrate the 125th birth anniversary of Chinese communist leader and the founder of the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, inside the university campus on 26 December. Qiu Zhanxuan, head of Peking University’s Marxist Society was forced into a black car by a group of seven to eight men who identified as ‘public security department’ officials.

Qiu Zhanxuan has been playing a vanguard role along with other students of the Peking University in building up labour movements throughout the country against the opportunist pro-capitalist CPC leadership. The Jasic Workers Solidarity group rose to prominence this summer when student activists from Peking University backed its efforts to form a workers’ union at Jasic Technology, a welding machinery company in southern Guangdong province.

Soon after the Jasic Workers Solidarity movement started, the Chinese state cracked it down violently, arresting several Chinese students and workers at the behest of the big capitalists of China and foreign countries. The crackdown on the Peking University students by the Chinese state drew worldwide criticism from the revolutionary communists and the students have been receiving solidarity support from all over the world. By November 2018, the Chinese state has suppressed much of the working class movement and arrested many student and worker activists. However, the working class’ struggle for socialism, equality and liberation spread to many other places. A lot of Chinese poor, revolutionary communists and student activists reached Mao Zedong’s hometown on the occasion of his 125th birth anniversary, defying the Chinese state and its repressive arms.

The arrest of Qiu Zhanxuan and other student leaders before him is stirring a countrywide resistance movement against the onslaught on communist forces by the capitalist-roader CPC leadership, who are the lackeys of Chinese comprador-bureaucratic capitalism and foreign imperialism. The workers of different factories where the left-wing students are working as organisers have expressed their solidarity with Qiu Zhanxuan and the students of the Peking University are demanding that the Chinese state immediately and unconditionally release Qiu Zhanxuan and all other Chinese communist organisers.

The new movements are not yet as fierce as the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s, when the students and youth, by forging a strong alliance with the Chinese soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army, then headed by Mao’s close associate Lin Biao, fought a prolonged ideological and organisational battle against the capitalist roader, foreign agents like Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping and toppled them to restore socialism. Their militant struggle on behalf of Mao Zedong, known as the Red Guard Movement, brought a worldwide storm of people’s resistance against imperialism and its ally, revisionism. The Marxist study circles that are now popping up in different campuses, exhibit the people’s anger against the Dengist leadership and their corporate bootlicking, which is translated into small attempts at building up struggles.

When these small struggles, influenced by the legacy of Mao Zedong, whom Xi Jinping is trying to overshadow using his own cult, will form a bigger chain, it will gain an organised form and will be streamlined against the coterie of capitalist roaders and comprador-bureaucratic capitalists of China who have been selling off the country’s resources and manpower to the big foreign monopoly and finance capital since 1978. Such a massive, organised revolutionary movement will be able to overthrow the juggernaut of the utmost opportunist and pro-imperialist Chinese emperors of the CPC and re-establish a socialist China that the late Chinese leader Mao Zedong and millions of co mmunists fought for.

source :

Electoral Boycott for Communists

Election no ,Revolution yes

The year 2018 has been marked by numerous elections around the world. Italy, Sweden, Brazil, the United States, in all of these countries the communists and revolutionary forces practiced boycott at the national level. In India, Communists have called for boycotting elections in states like Telangana, and in Canada, in the province of Quebec.

Last year during the presidential election, our Party had actively participated in the Boycott 2017 campaign, which continued until the legislative elections. One year after the election of Macron, the electoral standpoint showed its impossibility to change anything.

In the rest of the world, communists are adopting the same attitude: in imperialist countries like Germany and Norway, the elections of the previous years were boycotted, and in the countries where People’s Wars were initiated and supported, in India, in the Philippines, in Turkey, in Peru or in Manipur, the Communists are banished from the elections and their partisans are hunted by the State and its military apparatus. In the case of Peru, it is even on the occasion of a vote, on May 17, 1980, that the first tactical offensive of the People’s War was initiated in Chushi: it consisted in burning the ballot boxes and denouncing the electoral system.

There is therefore a general tendency to boycott elections among the international communist forces. In this article, we will explain this position in detail. We will explain the reasons for the use of this tactic today. Through this year’s examples in Brazil, Quebec and the United States, we will show its ability to structure the revolutionary camp against the rise of fascism and revisionism. Finally, we will draw lines of demarcation with the dogmatic and idealistic usage of voting or abstaining in the bourgeois states in the epoch of imperialism, and we will link the boycott tactics to our general strategy for the revolution.

Brazil: active resistance against fascism

The current period is marked by a rise in forces advocating the establishment of a fascist system of government at the top of the bourgeois state. This rise is currently mainly reflected in electoral aims, and the candidates and fascist parties are taking advantage of the collapse of the false bourgeois democracies in order to become favorites in a number of electoral farces. Part of the bourgeoisie uses this situation, which it has itself created, against those who refuse to vote, and then say: “Abstentionists serve the far right.”

The elections in Brazil shows us what lies behind this false claim. The Brazilian state, a client of imperialism, has proven for a long time to the masses that nothing should be expected from it. The “moderate” parties of the compradore bourgeoisie (those who sell their own country to foreign imperialists) are discredited in the eyes of all. The corrupt administration of the “Partido dos Trabalhadores” governments, so-called reformers, continued to reveal the true face of bourgeois politicians. This PTist administration quickly revealed its comprador nature by using the state’s bureaucratic capital for its own profit. This is shown by the Petrobras case, which brought down Lula and Dilma Roussef, the main popular leaders of the PT.

In this situation, the elections that took place in October 2018 were upstream affected by numerous scandals, such as the Lula being put out of the election by the entire conservative and reactionary faction of the Brazilian bourgeois compradores and landowners. Without its standard bearer, it was certain that the PT would suffer an unprecedented setback. A setback at the level of the detestation of the people for the lies of PTism, which applied military solutions to the problem of violence in working-class neighborhoods and expelled thousands of people from their homes to organize sports events like the Football World Cup. It was under this government that 23 Brazilian revolutionaries who revolted in demonstrations against the organization of the World Cup were arrested and imprisoned.

The second particular point of the Brazilian elections of 2018 is the rise of Bolsonaro and his party, the PSL. This fascist candidate had the support of the army (his partner for the vice-presidency being a former general) and imperialist powers for which the Brazilian state is a client through financial markets. With these allies, he was sure to grab the votes of those nostalgic of military dictatorship and of all the reactionary classes of Brazil in addition to their sphere of influence. In case of defeat, Hamilton Mourão the partner of Bolsonaro had announced, a coup de force was conceivable.

n this context, the revolutionaries and the communists of Brazil practiced a boycott as a tactic of resistance against the State of the landowners and the compradores and their most reactionary fringe, the fascists. Many revolutionary mass organizations, peasant organizations, student organizations, newspapers, the women’s movement … have actively promoted this boycott in rural communities and cities. In the villages, the state had sent the military police to force the vote and discourage attempts to boycott (voting is mandatory in Brazil). In the cities, the universities were repeatedly invaded by police forces to intimidate students who displayed anti-fascist slogans and went to protest with banners that indicated “No election or military intervention” (Nem eleição, nem intervenção militar). The result in the votes, in the first round, was more than 40 million non-voters. Many actions of struggle deemed illegal by the government have developed: determined actions such as the destruction of ballot papers and ballot boxes in Brazilian villages or the formation of combat groups against the military police to ensure the safety of the masses boycotting the election.

Immediately after the first round, when Bolsonaro came firstin the votes, it was clear that the anti-fascist front would not come out of the polls, and that the rise of fascism in Brazil was already very important. The comrades redoubled their boycott, knowing well the anti-communism of Bolsonaro and were met with renewed attacks from the State. In the second round, 42 million people did not vote. Bolsonaro won the election, which means that the revolutionaries and communists of Brazil must prepare for the rise of a fascist to the presidency. This long and combative campaign of boycott prepared them to this, and showed them what the popular masses of their country were waiting for in the face of false democracy. The boycott is therefore in this case directly related to antifascism and the construction of the revolutionary movement. An electoral front would never have been able to adopt this role, since it would have come back as a way to tell the masses that the most important thing was to save a rotten system of government, which has guaranteed their misery for decades.

In North America: the development of a militant and antirevisionist boycott

In Canada, specifically in Quebec, as well as in the United States, two imperialist countries, the boycott was also applied in the 2018 elections. In both countries, the colonial origin of the state plays an important role.

In Quebec, a campaign of militant boycott was waged against the provincial elections, preparatory to next year’s federal election. The outcome of this campaign was a great urban celebration, the very evening of the elections. This shows that determined forces, even in the revolutionary movements in construction in the imperialist countries, can deploy spectacular actions and reach the masses through this means.

In the United States, the context was that of Donald Trump’s midterm elections. The Democrats, humiliated by their defeat in the presidential elections, pushed their campaign hard in order to have a majority in the chambers of the Congress. This meant a “leftist” pressure put forward by the Democratic Party (an imperialist party responsible for innumerable invasions, far from being an ally of “anti-fascism”). In practice, it was the revisionists and the American “social democrats” who served as useful idiots to present this campaign as an opportunity for the “socialists” of the country. In fact, the Democratic Party’s elected members of this trend are vocal defenders of US imperialism and its international allies. Their election to federal office, the highest level in the American system, is not a victory for the masses, whether they live in the United States or elsewhere. The electoral system can not bring any victory.

This truth is well understood in the United States, a country where abstention is usually massive. This poll attracted 49.6% of voters, a significant relative increase, but a very low absolute result. This means that despite the largesse of the American system (vote spread over several days with anticipated votes, electronic voting, massive incentive to vote …) more than one in two voters abstained from these elections despite the hype set up by politicians and the media.

In this context, the role of the Communists in the boycott is to put our forces in front of a mass practice by transforming its level of consciousness. To put it clearly, in the United States it meant to move from abstention to boycott, from non-participation to a refusal to participate. Faced with the opportunist reactions of the revisionists to the “left” of the Democratic Party, setting up a boycott in all the places where the revolutionary movement is present was also an anti-revisionist political line. In this way, a line of demarcation is drawn between those who address the masses without lulling them with illusions and the revisionists who continue to sell the same false remedies. In the United States, one of the most closed political systems of the old bourgeois democracies, the presence of an electoral boycott of this type is to be emphasized.

The boycott is a tactic, subject to a general strategy of building new power

With Brazil or the United States, there are examples of electoral boycotts led by the communists during the year 2018. Does this mean that the boycott is a posture that applies at all times, and everywhere in the same way? The answer to this question is no, the boycott is not a position of absolute principle, but a tactic practiced by the communists in the false bourgeois democracies. It therefore starts from the concrete situation in the country and consists not only in refusing the electoral system but mainly in applying a political line related to the masses and the state of their organization at a given time.

In 2018, whether in semi-colonial semi-feudal countries or in imperialist countries, communist parties practice this tactic when the elections present themselves. The so-called “communist parties” which accepted the parliamentary system with open arms (like the revisionists in Nepal in the late 2000s) revealed to the masses that they were traitors and would not lift a finger for the revolutionary fight once comfortably installed in their armchairs of compradores in the parliament.

The international communist movement has, in its long history, developed a political line on the issue of elections. However, this line is often ignored in favor of a dogmatic and opportunistic uses of texts written by great theoreticians of communism. In the French state, this is the case of the revisionist forces, for example, who take part in every election, and spend a large part of their resources preparing them.

In a theoretical paper from 2016 on the elections, Lutte Ouvrière justifies for example its participation by quoting Lenin in The Infantile Disease of Communism, when he evokes in Russia between 1903 and 1917: “the various forms of the movement, legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy, clandestine and open, parliamentary and terrorist, circle and mass. ” This quote, taken out of context, refers to the fact that the Bolsheviks participated in the State Duma (Parliament) set up after the revolution of 1905 in Russia. The Duma was then a revolutionary conquest in opposition to the class forces of the Russian tsarist state (land aristocracy transforming into a monopolistic bourgeoisie) because it was mainly composed of middle bourgeois parties, petty bourgeois parties, and the proletarian party (the PSDOR of Lenin ). Several times after 1905, the Tsar personally repressed the Duma when it was in opposition to its power.

On the boycott, Lenin wrote in 1906: “Certainly to subordinate the campaign for the Duma to the main struggle, reserving for this campaign the second place, in anticipation of an adverse outcome or an adjournment of the battle to the day after the experience of a second Duma, – it is always, one might say, the old tactic of boycott. Formally, such a definition can be maintained, because the “preparation for the elections” – besides the always compulsory work of agitation and propaganda – is reduced to detailed material preparations; and it is very rare that they can be done long before the elections. We do not want to discuss words; but, basically, this is a consistent development of the old tactics and not its repetition, it is a deduction from the old boycott, it is not a reissue. ”

Far from upholding dogmatically the elections and overestimating the value of the Duma, he took it as a specific revolutionary conquest, a new and secondary arena of struggle in the Russian Empire of 1906, which therefore demanded a development of revolutionary tactics!

It is clear that the situation of the French state (or even of the European Union since the revisionists also want to be elected there …) today is not at all the same. In the Russian context, the participation in the elections was not a “testimony” like that of the revisionists in 2018, it was a first act of construction of the double-power. To be present in the Parliament won by the previous revolution and to be present outside Parliament to prepare the future revolution was for Lenin a way of building the new power in Russia. In the French state or in the European Union of 2018, parliaments and electoral posts are not at all revolutionary conquests. They are the middle wheels of an imperialist state and alliance belonging to this same class. So we can not treat them the same way.

The examples we have developed in this article, whether from 2018 or before, bring us back to one and the same synthesis. The boycott, by its punctual (it lasts only the time of a campaign) and circumstantial character (it is decided on the basis of a concrete situation and not a position of principle) is indeed from the field of tactics at disposal of the communists to build the revolutionary movement.

To ignore that the deadlines decided by the bourgeois state are moments of struggle for our camp by eliminating them from our analysis is as much a mistake as devoting all our forces to an electoral strategy. We have many examples of these two errors, since the revisionists systematically fell for them when they gave up on the revolutionary perspective, that is to say, the strategy of seizure of power. This strategy, for the communists, is the Protracted People’s War. It leads the use of tactics in order to initiate and win the masses’ revolution for the construction of their new power against the state. In this perspective, in 2018, a tactic of boycott is part of this strategy. It must aim in all of its aspects to convince the masses that the alternative is not “Tweedledee and Tweedledum” in elections, but our power against their power, the power of the working class and the masses against the power of the bourgeoisie.

 source :

Even prison walls have not been able to stop Varavara Rao from writing : N. Venugopal

Varvara Rao on custady

Prison walls cannot stop imagination and expression, however much they try to curb freedom of expression. Varavara Rao, the renowned poet and public intellectual, is again behind bars, this time round as an under-trial prisoner in Pune’s Yerawada Central Prison in the infamous Bhima-Koregaon or Urban Naxal case. In his public life spanning about 60 years, the 78-year-old poet spent more than seven years in various prisons in the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, beginning with his first arrest in 1973.


Imprisonment basically consists of restrictions on movement as well as on freedoms of speech, expression and association. Prison walls, however, will only be able to restrict the movements of a person successfully, but fail to do so in curtailing one’s imagination. A thinking person’s imagination blossoms literally everywhere – be it in a desert or an ocean or a no-man’s land or a solitary summit and more so amidst prison walls that reverberate loneliness. Jail, at best, can only restrict the open propagation of expression, but cannot stop a person from expressing his or her desires and dreams as well as thoughts and ruminations. There are thousands of examples of writers behind bars continuing their writing with added energy and as many of those who began expressing themselves in jails.

In one word, prison walls cannot stop imagination and expression, however much they try to curb freedom of expression. A case in point, for the present, is of Varavara Rao.

The renowned poet and public intellectual is again behind bars, this time round as an under-trial prisoner in Pune’s Yerawada Central Prison in the infamous Bhima-Koregaon or Urban Naxal case. In his public life spanning about 60 years, the 78-year-old poet spent more than seven years in various prisons in the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, beginning with his first arrest in 1973. Despite implicating him in as many as 25 cases, with grave charges ranging from unlawful assembly to rioting, murder, attempt to murder, use of explosive substances and lethal weapons, the prosecution could not prove a single charge in a single case and law courts acquitted him in all the cases as “not guilty”.

 Even as the state wanted to limit his freedom of expression, the 84 months in prison gave him ample free time to continue and hone his writing with more vigor, thoughtfulness and insight. Indeed, prison writing forms such a major part that it occupies almost half of his body of literature. More than 300 pages out of his over 1,000-page collected poems of sixty years (published as Varavara Rao Kavitvam 1957-2017 in two volumes in 2018) were written in jail and at least five out of his 16 collections of essays and two major translation works were all done in jail.

Prison writing forms almost half of Varavara Rao’s body of literature. More than 300 pages out of his over 1,000-page collected poems of sixty years (published as Varavara Rao Kavitvam 1957-2017 in two volumes in 2018) were written in jail and at least five out of his 16 collections of essays and two major translation works were all done in jail

Varavara Rao’s sojourn in jail began in October 1973 when he, along with two other writers, was arrested for the first time under the draconian Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA). Andhra Pradesh High Court struck down the detention saying that writers cannot be imprisoned for their writings unless their writings had any direct connection with any crime and released the arrested in November. His third poetry collection, published in January 1974, contained eight poems in a section titled “in jail”. Thus his first incarceration for a little over a month produced at least two poems per week!

Ironically, his first poem in jail, written on October 12, 1973, was titled Comma suggesting that the jail life would only be considered as a comma in the sentence he was thinking, writing and practicing!

 From amidst the people who speak

Came into the trees that do not.

From the rocking movements

And the air filled with slogans

Came into the swinging dumb trees

And the high walls trying to arrest wind

was the first stanza of the poem. In another poem written two days later, he said,

This is jail for the voice and the feet

But the hand hasn’t stopped writing

The heart hasn’t stopped throbbing

Dream still reaches to the horizon of light

Travelling from this solitary darkness…

And also

Of course, in this jail moon is not allowed

To share his light,

But who can stop me from

Marching into the dawn of the eastern sun.

 He was again arrested in May 1974 as an accused in the Secunderabad Conspiracy Case. Though he came out on a conditional bail in the last week of April 1975, he could not be outside for barely two months as Emergency was imposed and he was among the first to be arrested. Even though every other prisoner across the country was released on March 23, 1977, he was again arrested in front of the jail gate, to be released only after a week on bail. About 36 poems, written during this 30-month imprisonment formed part of his next collection of poetry, paradoxically named Sweccha (freedom), published in April 1978.

 Breezes blow in the night,

As a poet-friend fancied

The moon gets caught in the barbed wire

Over the prison walls

And we, after singing and discoursing,

Lose ourselves in the dreams of revolution

But the poor lonely policeman

Exiled from sleep and shelter

Yawn out at every hour

Sab Theek Hai!

 During this incarceration Varavara Rao wrote his characteristic, oft-quoted poetic lines,

When crime becomes authority

And hunts down people branding them criminals

Everyone with a voice and keeps silent

Becomes criminal himself.

 During Emergency, more than 30 members of Virasam (Viplava Rachayitala Sangham — Revolutionary Writers Association) were imprisoned in various jails in Andhra Pradesh and in each of these jails, they produced their own hand-written literary magazines, to be shared between different jails and even smuggled out sometimes!

By the time his next poetry collection, Bhavishyatthu Chitrapatam (Portrait of the Future) came out in September 1986, he had again to be in jail. In 1985, the then chief minister NT Rama Rao’s government unleashed severe repression by announcing a ‘no dance, no song, no speech’ policy. At the height of this repression, Dr A Ramanatham, Varavara Rao’s close associate, a popular pediatrician and vice president of Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC), was shot dead in his clinic by policemen passing in a procession on the main road of Warangal. Those in the procession also raised slogans naming Varavara Rao and K Balagopal the then general secretary of APCLC as their targets. In that grave situation Varavara Rao cancelled is bail in Secunderabad Conspiracy Case (in which he was acquitted of all charges in February 1989, after 15 years of trial) and chose to go to jail in December 1985. Even while in jail, he was shown as accused in another conspiracy case named Ramnagar Conspiracy Case in May 1986 (in which he was acquitted of all charges in September 2003 after 17 years of trial).

 Bhavishyatthu Chitrapatam contained a few poems written about repression and his time in police custody, but not any jail term. The book was promptly proscribed by the government in January 1987 and the ban was withdrawn in March 1990.

The incarceration between December 1985 and March 1989 was a prolific period for Varavara Rao as a poet, writer and translator. He wrote about 80 poems, collected in a volume titled Muktakantam (with two meanings — free voice and unified chorus) published in January 1990. The themes and forms of these jail poems are so diverse, contemporary and all-encompassing that almost there was no single major issue on which he did not express his stand in poetic terms.

This jail term not only produced poetry, but also a lot of prose writing and translation. Besides several essays on contemporary literary, social and political issues, he also wrote a full-length book of literary criticism on Sri Sri’s Maro Prasthanam in this jail. He came in touch with the writings of Kenyan writer in exile Ngugi wa Thiongo just before going to jail this time and he used the occasion to translate two of Ngugi’s books — the novel Devil on the Cross and the jail memoir Detained: A Writer’s Prison Diary — into Telugu.

This jail term not only produced poetry, but also a lot of prose writing and translation. Besides several essays on contemporary literary, social and political issues, he also wrote a full-length book of literary criticism on Sri Sri’s Maro Prasthanam in this jail. Also, he translated Kenyan writer in exile Ngugi wa Thiongo’s books in jail

Most important of his contributions during this time was a series of letters from prison he wrote at the request of Arun Shourie, the then editor of Indian Express. In August 1988 Shourie asked him to write a column from jail, with a three-fold demand: “You should be able to tell us what it is like to live as a prisoner confined in a small space for such a long period. You should be able to show us the anxieties that characterize the small society inside jail. You must make us understand which news from the outside world reaches you and how it appears in the light of the reality inside”. Varavara Rao wrote it in Telugu to be published in Indian Express’s Telugu counterpart Andhra Prabha and translated simultaneously.

The Indian Express Group secured the necessary permissions from the jail authorities and the government. Each letter had to be submitted to the jail superintendent, who in turn sends it to the state intelligence for their approval. Varavara Rao chose to write thirteen pieces on his “unthirteen companions” – trees, flowers, waiting, periodical meetings, co-prisoners, books, writings, hope. Except one, all the others passed through intelligence scrutiny and the last one was rejected and sent back a couple of days before his release and appeared in print later.

The column ran for about four months from December 1988 to April 1989 in both the papers, as English translations were done by Vasant Kannabiran, K Balagopal, MT Khan, K Jitendrababu, N Venugopal and Jaganmohana Chari. The column was compiled into a volume Sahacharulu published in 1990 and the English translation was published as Captive Imagination by Penguin in 2010.

In his preface to the book, Ngugi wa Thiongo said, “the title, Captive Imagination, is ironic. Of all the human attributes, the imagination is the most central and most human. An architect visualizes a building before he captures it on paper for the builder. Without imagination, we cannot visualize the past or the future. Religion would be impossible, for how would one visualize deities except through imagination? How would one undertake a purposeful journey without imagination, the capacity to picture our destination long before we get there? The arts and the imagination are dialectically linked. Imagination makes possible the arts. The arts feed the imagination in the same way that food nourishes the body and ethics the soul. The writer, the singer, the sculptor – the artist in general, symbolises and speaks to the power of imagination to intimate possibilities even within apparently impossible situations. That is why, time and again, the state tries to imprison the artist, to hold captive the imagination. But imagination has the capacity to break free from temporal and spatial confinement. Imagination breaks free from captivity and roams in time and space.”

“I do not need to describe the murder of writer’s literary creations in the course of watches, searches and raids during imprisonment, when it is inescapable even in the world outside”

Again he was arrested in August 2005 as the government banned Virasam, after the talks between the government and the Maoists failed Varavara Rao was an emissary of the Maoists during the talks. This time round he was imprisoned for eight months and his 18 jail poems of this period were compiled in his June 2006 collection Antassootram (under current). He also wrote several essays on various political, social and literary issues which were later brought out as a single volume Jailu Raatalu (Jail Writings).

Thus, given this history of prison writing on the part of Varavara Rao, one may expect that the days in Yerawada prison will deliver more of his writings. Here it would be pertinent to remember his comment on his prison writings, in Captive Imagination.

“I do not need to describe the murder of writer’s literary creations in the course of watches, searches and raids during imprisonment, when it is inescapable even in the world outside.

It is true that beginning with October 1973, I have written intermittently while within the embrace of prison bars, but not sitting ‘on the hard floor’. This I wish to confess in all humility. I always sat on a chair and wrote at a table either as a detainee or a special class prisoner. I was always allowed to write. I never experienced the slightest inconvenience in the matter of physical amenities, either. It was the intellectual, emotional, cultural and political isolation that troubled me.”


(N Venugopal is a Telugu poet, literary critic, translator and journalist. He is currently editor of Veekshanam, Telugu monthly journal of political economy and society. His books include Understanding Maoists: Notes of a Participant Observer from Andhra Pradesh – Setu Prakashani, Kolkata, 2013.)

Internationalist Meeting on People’s War in India

Regarding the People’s War in India, the International Committee of Support to the People’s War in India (ICSPWI) is going to organise an International Meeting in Milan on 8th December, 2018.

Three resolutions adopted at the III. Meeting of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organisations in Europe:

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

 Resolution on the III. Meeting of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organisations in Europe
We, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organisations held our III. Meeting, continuing on the trajectory of the I. and II. Meeting, brought to live through the initiative of the V. Meeting of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organisations in Latin America. The successful conclusion of the III. Meeting marks another hallmark in the ongoing process of uniting in theoretical debate and joint action.

Press Release by Communist Party of India (Maoist)

As the General Secretary of CPI  (Maoist)  Comrade Ganapathy has voluntarily withdrawn from his responsibilities, the Central Committee has elected Comrade Basavaraju as the new General Secretary .

The full text of the statement has given below.